⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Should We Abolish The Electoral College?

Thursday, December 30, 2021 1:55:43 PM

Should We Abolish The Electoral College?



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Could the U.S. abolish the Electoral College?

Before the Civil War, the combination of the Electoral College and the Three-Fifths Clause , counting a slave as three-fifths of a person, gave the Slave Power outsize control in electing the president, with the consequence that antebellum presidents were almost always either slaveholders or at least friendly to their interests the major exceptions were both named Adams.

After the war, every person counted as a full person for apportionment purposes — but with the collapse of Reconstruction and the violent disfranchisement of African-Americans throughout the South, that increase in representation once again redounded only to the benefit of white male power-holders, a situation that was not largely rectified until the Voting Rights Act of And because states want to maximize their influence in selecting the president, they also have a strong incentive to use a winner-take-all approach to awarding electors, which all but two states currently do.

In a liberal democracy, not everything need be decided by majority vote. But once something is put to a vote, it is hard to understand why the side getting fewer votes should win. And Americans have long understood themselves to be voting for their president, not for presidential electors. It is long past time to get rid of the Electoral College. This is not a new claim: People have been arguing against the Electoral College from the beginning. He discusses the crucial elections of and , which made pellucid that political parties were here to stay and that their interaction with the Electoral College could produce some problematic results like President John Adams teamed with Vice President Thomas Jefferson, his bitter rival. These elections provided the impetus for the only constitutional amendment to the Electoral College scheme to date: the 12th Amendment , ratified in to ensure that the president and vice president would be from the same party.

Wegman also covers Reconstruction and its collapse; the one-person-one-vote revolution of the s; and the drive for a constitutional amendment providing for a national popular vote for the presidency in and All of these treatments are detailed, but eminently readable. The last few chapters debunk popular myths about the Electoral College and show how a national popular vote might work.

The compact, in brief, provides that the states that join it will award all their electoral votes to the national popular vote winner. Senate Democrats also provided almost no votes to raise the debt ceiling while Republicans controlled the White House and both legislative chambers during the middle years of George W. On Monday, he was as good as his word, leading a GOP filibuster of the Democratic legislation to increase the ceiling and to provide the funding to keep the federal government open past this week. His assertion that the majority party alone should raise the debt ceiling actually demonstrates how Capitol Hill works in the modern era: Congress now functions essentially as a quasi-parliamentary institution, and it has an enormous level of party-line voting and very little cooperation across partisan lines.

The point of a parliamentary system is that the majority rules. No other country has a vote threshold for ordinary legislation, nor have there been at least for a century, if not longer. If it was such a good idea, why are we the only democracy in the world that has it? By blocking the debt-ceiling legislation—which would trigger a catastrophic U. But Democrats could end the madness at any time. But strikingly, amid all the keening about the cataclysms that default could trigger, neither Senate Democrats nor the White House have even floated that possibility, a measure of their pessimism about moving Manchin and Sinema to that position.

Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer on Tuesday instead asked Republicans to voluntarily withdraw their filibuster and allow Democrats to raise the debt ceiling by majority vote—a request McConnell immediately, and predictably, rejected. Even before Washington potentially tumbles into a government shutdown, a default on the federal debt, or both, the filibuster has imposed a rising toll on the Democratic agenda. Police reform hit the wall last week when negotiations between Republican and Democratic senators collapsed, dooming any chance to reach 60 votes.

Immigration reform was derailed when the Senate parliamentarian ruled it ineligible for inclusion in the reconciliation legislation. Bills creating a universal-background-check system for gun sales and establishing nationwide protections against discrimination for the LGBTQ community, after earlier passing the House, have both disappeared from view, also without prospect of attracting the 10 Republicans required to break a filibuster. The legislation to establish a new nationwide floor for voting rights remains in limbo, leaving Manchin to ostensibly seek Republican support for a compromise measure that Democrats renegotiated around principles he put forward. But his best potential GOP targets, Senators Lisa Murkowski and Susan Collins, have already dismissed the new proposal , quickly extinguishing his chances of attracting the 10 votes he would need to break a filibuster.

Republicans are even less likely to support the sweeping Protecting Our Democracy Act that House Democrats introduced with great fanfare last week to respond to the many ways in which former President Donald Trump abused his authority over the executive branch. One reason the negotiations have been so difficult is that Democrats are trying to shoehorn so many consequential policies into a single reconciliation bill—for universal pre-K, free community college, green energy, a major expansion of Medicare—because that special process provides their one chance to shelter these priorities from Republican filibusters.

Doing them all at once is nearly impossible. Read: The tool that Joe Biden refuses to use. They are pursuing big policy changes on slender legislative majorities. And raising enough tax revenue to create or expand as many government programs as Democrats are seeking to would be tough under any circumstances.

The letter read in part:. People with similar Should We Abolish The Electoral College? Benefits Of College belong Isolation In Young Goodman Brown And A Rose For Emily the same political party. Should We Abolish The Electoral College? reform hit the wall last week when negotiations between Republican and Democratic senators collapsed, Should We Abolish The Electoral College? any chance to reach 60 votes.