❤❤❤ Authoritarian Vs Totalitarian

Sunday, May 30, 2021 9:43:06 PM

Authoritarian Vs Totalitarian

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political theory - What is the difference between totalitarianism and authoritarianism?

Such is the case with totalitarianism, authoritarianism, and fascism. This control extends to all political and financial matters as well as the attitudes, morals, and beliefs of the people. The concept of totalitarianism was developed in the s by Italian fascists. Still, most Western civilizations and governments quickly rejected the concept of totalitarianism and continue to do so today. One distinctive feature of totalitarian governments is the existence of an explicit or implied national ideology—a set of beliefs intended to give meaning and direction to the entire society. Examples of characteristics that might be present in a totalitarian state include:. Typically, the characteristics of a totalitarian state tend to cause people to fear their government.

An authoritarian state is characterized by a strong central government that allows people a limited degree of political freedom. However, the political process, as well as all individual freedom, is controlled by the government without any constitutional accountability. The government controls nearly all aspects of the economy, politics, culture, and society. Education, religion, the arts and sciences, and even morality and reproductive rights are controlled by totalitarian governments. While all power in an authoritarian government is held by a single dictator or group, the people are allowed a limited degree of political freedom.

Rarely employed since the end of World War II in , fascism is a form of government combining the most extreme aspects of both totalitarianism and authoritarianism. Even when compared to extreme nationalistic ideologies like Marxism and anarchism , fascism is typically considered to be at the far-right end of the political spectrum. Fascism is characterized by the imposition of dictatorial power, government control of industry and commerce, and the forcible suppression of opposition, often at the hands of the military or a secret police force. To this end, fascists encourage the growth of cults of national unity and racial purity. Historically, the primary function of fascist regimes has been to maintain the nation in a constant state of readiness for war.

Fascists observed how rapid, mass military mobilizations during World War I blurred the lines between the roles of civilians and combatants. In addition, fascists view democracy and the electoral process as an obsolete and unnecessary obstacle to maintaining constant military readiness. They also consider a totalitarian, one-party state as the key to preparing the nation for war and its resulting economic and social hardships. The founder of Italian Fascism, Benito Mussolini , defined fascism as such: "Everything within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state. Totalitarian regimes are different from other authoritarian regimes, as the latter denotes a state in which the single power holder, usually an individual dictator, a committee, a military junta , or an otherwise small group of political elites, monopolizes political power.

Totalitarian regimes are often characterized by extreme political repression , to a greater extent than those of authoritarian regimes, under an undemocratic government, widespread personality cultism around the person or the group which is in power, absolute control over the economy , large-scale censorship and mass surveillance systems, limited or non-existent freedom of movement the freedom to leave the country , and the widespread usage of state terrorism.

Other aspects of a totalitarian regime include the extensive use of internment camps , an omnipresent secret police , practices of religious persecution or racism , the imposition of theocratic rule or state atheism , the common use of death penalties and show trials , fraudulent elections if they took place , the possible possession of weapons of mass destruction , a potential for state-sponsored mass murders and genocides , and the possibility of engaging in a war , or colonialism against other countries, which is often followed by annexation of their territories. Historian Robert Conquest describes a totalitarian state as a state which recognizes no limit on its authority in any sphere of public or private life and extends that authority to whatever length it considers feasible.

Totalitarianism is contrasted with authoritarianism. According to Radu Cinpoes, an authoritarian state is "only concerned with political power, and as long as it is not contested it gives society a certain degree of liberty. The academic field of Sovietology after World War II and during the Cold War was dominated by the "totalitarian model" of the Soviet Union , [17] stressing the absolute nature of Joseph Stalin 's power. The "totalitarian model" was first outlined in the s by Carl Joachim Friedrich , who posited that the Soviet Union and other Communist states were "totalitarian" systems, with the personality cult and almost unlimited powers of the "great leader" such as Stalin. They tended to be interested in social history and to argue that the Communist Party leadership had had to adjust to social forces.

Arch Getty and Lynne Viola challenged the "totalitarian model" approach to Communist history, which was considered to be outdated by the s and for the post-Stalinist era in particular, [3] and were most active in the former Communist states' archives, especially the State Archive of the Russian Federation related to the Soviet Union. According to John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr , the historiography is characterized by a split between "traditionalists" and "revisionists. They are criticized by their opponents as being anti-communist , even fascist, in their eagerness on continuing to focus on the issues of the Cold War.

Alternative characterizations for traditionalists include "anti-communist", "conservative", "Draperite" after Theodore Draper , "orthodox", and "right-wing. Our knowledge of the Soviet Union has changed as well. We all know that the traditional paradigm no longer satisfies, despite several efforts, primarily in the early s the directed society, totalitarianism without terror, the mobilization system to articulate an acceptable variant. We have come to realize that models which were, in effect, offshoots of totalitarian models do not provide good approximations of post-Stalinist reality.

Historian John Connelly wrote that totalitarianism is a useful word but that the old s theory about it is defunct among scholars. Connelly wrote: "The word is as functional now as it was 50 years ago. Or for that matter any of the millions of former subjects of Soviet-type rule who use the local equivalents of the Czech totalita to describe the systems they lived under before ? It is a useful word and everyone knows what it means as a general referent. Problems arise when people confuse the useful descriptive term with the old 'theory' from the s.

The notion that totalitarianism is total political power which is exercised by the state was formulated in by Giovanni Amendola , who described Italian Fascism as a system which was fundamentally different from conventional dictatorships. He used the term totalitario to refer to the structure and goals of the new state which was to provide the "total representation of the nation and total guidance of national goals. One of the first people to use the term totalitarianism in the English language was the Austrian writer Franz Borkenau in his book The Communist International , in which he commented that it united the Soviet and German dictatorships more than it divided them. In a radio address two weeks later, Churchill again employed the term, this time applying the concept to "a Communist or a Nazi tyranny.

When the time comes, either parliament submits or we will eliminate it. Later, Gil-Robles went into exile. George Orwell made frequent use of the word totalitarian and its cognates in multiple essays published in , and Every line of serious work that I have written since has been written, directly or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for democratic socialism , as I understand it. During a lecture series entitled "The Soviet Impact on the Western World" and published as a book in , the British historian E. Carr wrote: "The trend away from individualism and towards totalitarianism is everywhere unmistakable" and that Marxism—Leninism was by far the most successful type of totalitarianism as proved by Soviet industrial growth and the Red Army 's role in defeating Germany.

According to Carr, only the "blind and incurable" could ignore the trend towards totalitarianism. In both works, Popper contrasted the " open society " of liberal democracy with totalitarianism and posited that the latter is grounded in the belief that history moves toward an immutable future in accordance with knowable laws. In The Origins of Totalitarianism , Hannah Arendt posited that Nazi and Communist regimes were new forms of government and not merely updated versions of the old tyrannies. According to Arendt, the source of the mass appeal of totalitarian regimes is their ideology which provides a comforting and single answer to the mysteries of the past, present and future.

For Nazism, all history is the history of race struggle and for Marxism—Leninism all history is the history of class struggle. Once that premise is accepted, all actions of the state can be justified by appeal to nature or the law of history , justifying their establishment of authoritarian state apparatus. In addition to Arendt, many scholars from a variety of academic backgrounds and ideological positions have closely examined totalitarianism. Each one of these described totalitarianism in slightly different ways, but they all agreed that totalitarianism seeks to mobilize entire populations in support of an official party ideology and is intolerant of activities that are not directed towards the goals of the party, entailing repression or state control of the business, labour unions, non-profit organizations , religious organizations and minor political parties.

At the same time, many scholars from a variety of academic backgrounds and ideological positions criticized the theorists of totalitarianism. They thought that totalitarianism was connected to Western ideologies and associated with evaluation rather than analysis. The concept became prominent in the Western world 's anti-communist political discourse during the Cold War era as a tool to convert pre-war anti-fascism into postwar anti-communism. In , the political scientists Carl Joachim Friedrich and Zbigniew Brzezinski were primarily responsible for expanding the usage of the term in university social science and professional research, reformulating it as a paradigm for the Soviet Union as well as fascist regimes.

In the book titled Democracy and Totalitarianism , French analyst Raymond Aron outlined five criteria for a regime to be considered as totalitarian: [38] [ page needed ]. According to this view, totalitarian regimes in Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union had initial origins in the chaos that followed in the wake of World War I and allowed totalitarian movements to seize control of the government while the sophistication of modern weapons and communications enabled them to effectively establish what Friedrich and Brzezinski called a "totalitarian dictatorship. These critics posit that there is evidence of the widespread dispersion of power, at least in the implementation of policy, among sectoral and regional authorities.

For some followers of this pluralist approach, this was evidence of the ability of the regime to adapt to include new demands; however, proponents of the totalitarian model stated that the failure of the system to survive showed not only its inability to adapt but the mere formality of supposed popular participation. German historian Karl Dietrich Bracher , whose work is primarily concerned with Nazi Germany, posited that the "totalitarian typology" as developed by Friedrich and Brzezinski is an excessively inflexible model and failed to consider the "revolutionary dynamic" that for Bracher is at the heart of totalitarianism.

In his book The True Believer , Eric Hoffer posited that mass movements such as fascism, Nazism and Stalinism had a common trait in picturing Western democracies and their values as decadent , with people "too soft, too pleasure-loving and too selfish" to sacrifice for a higher cause, which for them implies an inner moral and biological decay. Hoffer added that those movements offered the prospect of a glorious future to frustrated people, enabling them to find a refuge from the lack of personal accomplishments in their individual existence.

The individual is then assimilated into a compact collective body and "fact-proof screens from reality" are established. Paul Hanebrink has posited that many European Christians started to fear Communist regimes after the rise of Hitler, commenting: "For many European Christians, Catholic and Protestant alike, the new postwar 'culture war' crystallized as a struggle against communism.

Across interwar Europe, Christians demonized the Communist regime in Russia as the apotheosis of secular materialism and a militarized threat to Christian social and moral order. Saladdin Ahmed criticized Friedrich and Brzezinski's book as lending itself to "anti-communist propaganda more easily. If so, then the criterion in question is false, indicating the invalidity of their account. Laure Neumayer posited that "despite the disputes over its heuristic value and its normative assumptions, the concept of totalitarianism made a vigorous return to the political and academic fields at the end of the Cold War. In the field of Soviet history, the totalitarian concept has been disparaged by the "revisionist school" historians, some of whose more prominent members were Sheila Fitzpatrick , J.

Arch Getty , Jerry F. Writing in , Walter Laqueur posited that the revisionists in the field of Soviet history were guilty of confusing popularity with morality and of making highly embarrassing and not very convincing arguments against the concept of the Soviet Union as a totalitarian state. Parenti has also analysed how "left anti-communism" attacked the Soviet Union during the Cold War. According to some scholars, calling Joseph Stalin totalitarian instead of authoritarian has been asserted to be a high-sounding but specious excuse for Western self-interest, just as surely as the counterclaim that allegedly debunking the totalitarian concept may be a high-sounding but specious excuse for Russian self-interest.

For Domenico Losurdo , totalitarianism is a polysemic concept with origins in Christian theology and applying it to the political sphere requires an operation of abstract schematism which makes use of isolated elements of historical reality to place fascist regimes and the Soviet Union in the dock together, serving the anti-communism of Cold War -era intellectuals rather than reflecting intellectual research. In Did Somebody Say Totalitarianism? They posit that both Nazism and Stalinism emphasized the role of specialization in modern societies and saw polymathy as a thing of the past, and also stated to have statistical scientific support for their claims, which led to strict ethical control of culture, psychological violence, and persecution of entire groups.

Other studies try to link modern technological changes with totalitarianism. Ord said that Orwell's writings show his concern was genuine rather than just a throwaway part of the fictional plot of Nineteen Eighty-Four. In , Orwell wrote that "[a] ruling class which could guard against four previously enumerated sources of risk would remain in power permanently. In the late s, The Economist has described China's developed Social Credit System under Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping 's administration , to screen and rank its citizens based on their personal behavior, as totalitarian.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Concept of a political system in which the leader or the state holds total authority over the citizenry. Economist Intelligence Unit. Archived from the original on 3 March Retrieved 7 March Reflections on a Ravaged Century. ISBN Slavic Review. Comparing the differences between difference between authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles, which one is the most effective in raising healthy and well-rounded children?

A number of studies have shown that the authoritative parenting style is the most effective:. The secret lies in maintaining the balance between discipline and nurture. Authoritative parents use positive discipline that allows their children to think logically about how their behaviors affect others. Authoritative parents give encouragement and compliments when their child demonstrates good behavior. As for bad behaviors, they use positive discipline to teach their children a lesson. This is what will happen when you procrastinate. The sweet spot of authoritative parenting is the dance between strictness and flexibility. When your child expresses dissatisfaction with a rule, you meet them where they are by acknowledging their emotions and actively listening.

Studies have shown that the authoritative parenting style is sufficient in raising competent children. But is there anything better when it comes to raising successful children in this modern, complex, fast-paced world? These children are not forced to fit into the expectations defined by society. Instead, they are encouraged to explore and develop the true nature of their beings. This approach is focusing on creating ideal environments for children to cultivate their innate wisdom, and equip them with tools to not just survive but thrive in this ever-complex world. So, the single biggest difference between a conscious parent and an unconscious parent is:. Instead, the child is an independent individual with their own innate wisdom and a unique life journey.

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