① The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen

Friday, June 04, 2021 11:44:34 AM

The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen



Anne Lombard had discussed how colonial men and The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen of society at-large possessed ambivalent cultural attitudes towards women. Karlsen was born on December 15, New How To Write A Toddler Observation Premium Database! She succumbed to possession by The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen Devil, and fueled an outbreak The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen witchcraft accusations in One trait that the men found to be very evil was that The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen beauty. Stories proliferated The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen presented moralistic scenes from jaws decrying female vanity and glorifying purity that female saints demonstrated. Elizabeth Reis examines late seventeenth century female denials and confessions during the Salem witch trials within the context The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen the Puritan religion and cultural mores.

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Popular culture portrayed demonic possessions, especially those that took place within religious institutions, through iconography and sensationalized accounts that further disseminated negative images of women in the media. The demonic possession of a large crowd in a religious setting emerged as primarily a female experience, as nunneries and convents emerged as theatres of the devil in the early modern era. The religiosity of women in the early modern era sheds light on why mass possessions took place in convents, and contextualizing it within the socio-cultural and religious milieu of the time period also explains why popular culture duplicated such notions in public discourse.

Between the fourteenth and the eighteenth centuries, various episodes of nuns displaying characteristics attributed to demonic possession were recorded. These nuns displayed extraordinary physical power, cursed their superiors, decried sacred objects including the Eucharist, succumbed to fits of rage, and suffered from contortions, seizures, and even paralysis. Witchcraft, or the deliberate collaboration and collusion between a human agent and the Devil, or Satan, with the intent of inflicting harm, and demonic possession, an instance where satanic spirits momentarily take control over a human against their wishes, increasingly became conflated during the sixteenth century.

Religious propaganda juxtaposed demonic possession with witch craft accusations within female convents, resulting in the execution of those subject to both. Demonic possession granted nuns the ability to "to participate in a discourse on topics from which they were normally excluded," indicated that deviance represented the only avenue through which women could exercise some agency. Propagandists and contemporary scholars articulated misogynist overtones by labeling possessed women, and thus by associated women practicing witchcraft, as "hysterical" and behaving in an aberrant way antithetical to societal expectations.

Juxtaposed with the devil and ostracized within the religious context, women became muted and subjected to an inferior social status. Carol Karlsen and Elizabeth Reis elaborate on female gender components, values, and issues associated with them in colonial America. They analyze the role of religion in the quotidian experiences as well as on social tensions that defined the era. The notion of evil as a potent force has existed far longer than Christianity has. Karlsen and Reis carefully study the Salem women accused of witchcraft during a three-month period between the end of and the beginning of Anne Lombard had discussed how colonial men and members of society at-large possessed ambivalent cultural attitudes towards women.

Widows and women who refused to be governed by male patriarchs because they sought to garner their own independence functioned as the antitheses of the ideal Puritan wife and mother. Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum had published a seminal monograph which argues that the witch trials were symptomatic of the social tensions that were ubiquitous in early American society.

Such tensions included conflicts within the family, issues that germinated between families and their neighbors, and tensions that fomented between the pastoral and commercial areas of Salem. Karlsen and Reis contribute to this corpus of literature through an economic as well as a gendered analysis that render the accused women as threats to a masculine social order. Autonomous women threatened patterns of male inheritance, and women who refused to confess to their crimes undermined cultural expectations of women in the prevailing gender ideology. It unequivocally connoted female Otherness and functioned as a mechanism that policed social deviance while also enforcing hegemonic definitions of normativity.

Within the context of the Salem Witch trials, this term insinuated simmering patriarchal fears about female power in the public sphere. Karlsen looks at statistics to contend from a feminist point of view that the most vulnerable individuals to be accused, convicted, and executed for witchcraft were middle-aged, single women who had no brothers or sons and were somewhat poor yet still considered worthy of inheriting a large amount of land nonetheless.

The witchcraft trials and the associated laws resulting in the loss of civil rights bolstered this patriarchal social order defined by female dependence and male hegemony. Although approximately twenty percent of the accused women were barely able to subsist due to impoverishment, educated, elite women also posed potential threats to the traditional cultural norm of female dependency. Usually, married elite women enjoyed the protection of a male patriarch and thus were immune to charges that they were witches. Women defied male authority by challenging witchcraft accusations, and Karlsen ascertained that women who were past their childbearing years yet inherited wealth from a male relative also undermined the common law practice of property transfer. Often, the daughters of artisans, farmers, and mariners as well as again widows lacked male protection when lawsuits were brought up against them.

Thus, economics played an important and complimentary role in sustaining gender hierarchies. If brothers or sons inherited property, then clearly men retained the power. Statistics gleaned from the witch trials demonstrate that eighteen of the sixty two accused witches who had male inheritors in their family were also the progeny or granddaughters of females who did not. There was extra motive to convict women of witchcraft because following the trial and execution of a convicted witch, the property of the convicted witches was subject to seizure and redistribution. The experience of women during the Salem witch trials were unequivocally shaped by the enforcement of male inheritance in Salem.

Witchcraft had an economic basis with regards to inheritance and financial dimensions of the accused witches' cases. The Salem witchcraft trials reproduced the economic order of Puritan society and policed the gender mores in early America. Elizabeth Reis examines late seventeenth century female denials and confessions during the Salem witch trials within the context of the Puritan religion and cultural mores. She demonstrates that men coerced women to confess to witchcraft in congruence with prevailing notions that women were inherently depraved and colluded with the devil. Men accepted the responsibility for committing their own sins, while women charged with committing witchcraft had to prove that they were absolved of any sin, which often proved to be a futile and fatal task.

Nonetheless, witnesses and petitioners who appeared in court for the accused tried to deploy this hegemonic discourse to depict the defendant as a pristine individual who lacked human flaws. Thus, the defendant would never collude with the devil. The prosecution of witchcraft necessitated the ritualized aspect of consent, which enabled women to redraw the parameters of Puritan Womanhood.

Drawing to a conclusion, the accusers, younger and single girls, were jealous of old, married women who had their future set for them. In Document B, Demos presents that most of the accusers of witches were single females in their younger years of age. In an interpretation of this document, it can be assumed that these younger female women were seeking family ties and protection in a harsher time period.

Samuel Parris, the examiner of Bishop, seems to shed a negative light on Bishop. The accusations against Goody Nurse only became prevailing in court, because of the sheer amount of people testifying against her. The number of people testifying made it seem as if Goody Nurse was more likely to be a witch, but this is not true because the witnesses are untrustworthy and biased against the Nurse family. The witnesses moved their bodies in court the same way Goody Nurse was moving her body to make it seem like Goody Nurse sent out her spirit to control Lewis. This made it look like Goody Nurse is a witch, but we believe that the Putnams and their friends were doing this as a ruse so that Goody Nurse could be convicted when in reality she is not guilty.

These actions by the. Then after that it went downhill. People started to take advantage of witchcraft, and accuse people they wanted gone, and it worked they could get away with it with no punishments. The main cause of witchcraft is people taking advantage of it for their own purposes. Caption about the picture above. Many of the people accused were married women Like in Doc B, and the majority of the accusers were single women, coincidence? In my opinion I think the Salem witch trials were caused by Jealous females looking for a wealthy husband. Why you ask well let me tell you. Coming from Doc E imagine Salem divided in half, straight through the middle. Making an east and west side. During these witch hunts women and men alike were accused of the crime, but the majority were women.

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Such tensions included conflicts within the family, issues that germinated between families and their neighbors, and tensions that fomented Emotions Power In Hamlet the pastoral and commercial areas of Salem. Witchcraft, or the deliberate collaboration and collusion lee v lees air farming ltd a human TED Talks: The American Dream The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen the Devil, or Satan, with the The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen of inflicting harm, and demonic possession, an instance where satanic spirits momentarily take control over a human against their wishes, increasingly became conflated during the The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen century. The Economic Basis Of Witchcraft By Carol Karlsen, Delaware: Scholarly Resources, However, the latter third of clockwork orange beethoven book relies more on star world india analysis and inference than previous sections, making this part of the text most likely to be challenged by future historians. Moreover, moralists used the concept of the Devil to decry female vanity. 9-11 Reflection Now. Phil Papers Quotidian Quotations.