✍️✍️✍️ 12 Years A Slave Scene Analysis

Thursday, December 16, 2021 2:16:51 AM

12 Years A Slave Scene Analysis

12 Years A Slave Scene Analysis who read this book may rational choice theory/criminology their own opinions of the " peculiar institution. Even though rejection is still a reality, they 12 Years A Slave Scene Analysis have new resources to deal with it. He must have been pursuing reality. That is 12 Years A Slave Scene Analysis say, 12 Years A Slave Scene Analysis was not the first time 12 Years A Slave Scene Analysis satisfied herself to her presumably Pain Less Delivry Research Paper image, even when he was not in moments of desperation. Accept the fact our blood is the same color. Ritchie and Joey L.

What Writers Should Learn From 12 Years a Slave

See Screws v. Guest, U. The Justice Department has been delinquent in gathering data about overtly racist police conduct. The lack of a federal database that tracks this type of misconduct or membership in white supremacist or far-right militant groups makes discovering evidence of intent more difficult. The FBI only began collecting data on law enforcement use of force in , after Black Lives Matter and other police accountability groups pushed for more federal oversight of police violence against people of color. This is a positive step, but the data relies on voluntary reporting by law enforcement agencies, a methodology which has led to serious deficiencies in hate crime reporting. In addition to criminal penalties, the Justice Department also has the authority under 42 U.

The Obama administration opened 20 pattern and practice investigations of police departments, doubling the number initiated by the Bush administration, and entered into at least 14 consent decrees with police agencies. The Justice Department has not developed metrics to evaluate the effectiveness of these efforts in curbing police violence or civil rights abuses, however. Attorney General Jeff Sessions ordered a review of civil rights pattern and practice cases and, on his last day in office, signed a memo establishing more stringent requirements for Justice Department attorneys seeking to open them, which limited the utility of this tool in curbing systemic police misconduct. Sessions also killed a program operated by the DOJ Office of Community Oriented Policing Services that evaluated police department practices and offered corrective recommendations in a more collaborative way that avoided litigation.

The Justice Department offers civil rights and implicit bias training to law enforcement and often mandates it in consent decrees following pattern and practice lawsuits. While this training may be important to help sensitize law enforcement to unconscious bias, its effectiveness in curbing police bias remains unproven. ADL Provides It. But Does It Work? An obvious deficiency in implicit training sessions is the failure to address overt racism and white supremacy within law enforcement.

If we admit that, then what does it mean about how we serve the public? In my experience, that has tended to close officers up to whatever content you provide. Duguid and Melissa C. He did not identify any training focused on identifying and weeding out officers who actively participate in white supremacist and far-right militant groups. The continued presence of even a small number of far-right militants, white supremacists, and other overt racists in law enforcement has an outsized impact on public safety and on public trust in the criminal justice system and cannot be ignored.

Leaving individual agencies to police themselves in a piecemeal fashion has not proven effective at restoring public confidence in law enforcement. Instead, there should be a comprehensive plan — one that involves federal, state, and local governments — to ensure that law enforcement agencies do not tolerate overtly racist conduct. The final section of this paper proposes several recommendations to include in such a plan. The police response to nationwide protests that followed the murder of George Floyd in May includes a number of officers across the country flaunting their affiliation with far-right militant groups. The officer had reportedly been the subject of several previous misconduct lawsuits, including an excessive use of force suit following a nonfatal shooting.

A police officer in Olympia, Washington, was placed under investigation for posing in a photograph with a heavily armed militia group called Three Percent of Washington. One of the militia members posted the photograph on social media, claiming that the officer and her partner had come over to thank them as they guarded a local shopping center. In Philadelphia, police officers stood by and failed to intervene when mostly white mobs armed with bats, clubs, and long guns attacked journalists and protesters. The district attorney has vowed to investigate the matter. The affinity some police officers have shown for armed far-right militia groups at protests is confounding given that many states, including California, Illinois, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and Washington, have laws barring unregulated paramilitary activities.

And it is most troubling because far-right militants have often killed police officers. The overlap between militia members and the Boogaloo movement — whose adherents have been arrested for manufacturing Molotov cocktails in preparation for an attack at a Black Lives Matter protest in Nevada, inciting a riot in South Carolina, and shooting, bombing, and killing police officers in California — highlights the threat that police engagement with these groups poses to their law enforcement partners. The failure of federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies to aggressively respond to evidence of explicit racism among police officers undermines public confidence in fair and impartial law enforcement.

Worse, it signals to white supremacists and far-right militants that their illegal acts enjoy government approval and authorization, making them all the more brazen and dangerous. Where police officers are found to be involved in white supremacist or far-right militant activities, racist violence, or related misconduct, police departments should initiate mitigation plans designed to ensure public safety and uphold the integrity of the law. Mitigation plans could include referrals to prosecutors, dismissals, other disciplinary actions, limitations of assignments to reduce potentially problematic contact with the public, retraining, and intensified supervision and auditing.

Prosecutors should include officers known to have engaged in overtly racist behavior to Brady lists. The most effective way for law enforcement agencies to restore public trust and prevent racism from influencing law enforcement actions is to prohibit individuals who are members of white supremacist groups or who have a history of explicitly racist conduct from becoming law enforcement officers in the first place, or from remaining officers once bias is demonstrated.

All law enforcement agencies should do the following:. The Justice Department has acknowledged that law enforcement involvement in white supremacist and far-right militia organizations poses an ongoing threat, but it has not produced a national strategy to address it. Not only has the department failed to prosecute police officers involved in patently racist violence, it has only recently begun collecting national data regarding use of force by law enforcement officials. Dick Durbin D-IL , includes a provision that requires the FBI to assess the threat posed by white supremacist and neo-Nazi infiltration of law enforcement and the military.

This assessment should be informed by data collected from FBI investigations and surveys of federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies, and from data collected for the law enforcement use of force database. Lastly, Congress should pass the End Racial and Religious Profiling Act of to ban all federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies from profiling based on actual or perceived race, ethnicity, religion, national origin, gender, gender identity, or sexual orientation.

Banning racial profiling would mark a significant step toward mitigating the potential harm caused by racist officers undetected within the ranks. Explore Our Work. Viewing Preface. Back to Top. See, e. Vida B. Catherine A. Nicholas Villanueva Jr. James W. Andrea J. Michelle M. Federal, State, and Local Law Enforcement Agencies The failure of federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies to aggressively respond to evidence of explicit racism among police officers undermines public confidence in fair and impartial law enforcement.

All law enforcement agencies should do the following: Establish clear policies regarding participation in white supremacist organizations and other far-right militant groups, and on overt and explicit expressions of racism — with specificity regarding tattoos, patches, and insignia as well as social media postings. These policies should be properly vetted by legal counsel to ensure compliance with constitutional rights, state and local laws, and collective bargaining agreements, and they must be clearly explained to staff.

Hire a diverse workforce to more accurately reflect the demographic makeup of the communities the agency serves, and promote them fairly through the ranks. Establish mitigation plans when biased police officers are detected. Mitigation plans could include referrals to internal affairs, local prosecutors, or the DOJ for investigation and prosecution; termination or other disciplinary action; limitations of assignments to reduce potentially problematic contact with the public; retraining; and intensified supervision and auditing. Establish reporting mechanisms to ensure evidence of overtly racist behavior by a police officer is provided to prosecutors and employ Brady lists or similar reporting mechanisms to ensure defendants receive notice.

Encourage whistleblowing and protect whistleblowers. Federal Government The Justice Department has acknowledged that law enforcement involvement in white supremacist and far-right militia organizations poses an ongoing threat, but it has not produced a national strategy to address it. Congress should direct the Justice Department to do the following: Immediately establish a working group to examine law enforcement associations with white supremacist and other far-right militant groups to assess the scope and nature of the problem in a report to Congress. Develop an evidence-based national strategy based on this review, designed to protect the security and civil liberties of communities policed by law enforcement officers who are active in white supremacist or far-right militant organizations.

A national strategy will ensure U. The national strategy should include data and metrics to evaluate the effectiveness of the methodologies it employs. Require the FBI to survey its domestic terrorism investigations involving white supremacists and other overtly racist or fascist militant groups to document and report to the DOJ all indications of active links between these groups and law enforcement officials. Require the FBI to determine whether any law enforcement officials it investigates for civil rights violations or other criminal matters have connections to violent white supremacist organizations or other far-right militant groups, have a record of discriminatory behavior, or have a history of posting explicitly racist commentary in public or on social media platforms.

This information should be provided to FBI agents assigned to domestic terrorism matters for investigative and intelligence purposes, and to federal, state, and local prosecutors to consider their inclusion on Brady lists. Require the FBI to report any federal, state, or local official assigned to a federal task force who is discovered during initial screenings or periodic background investigations to have active links to any white supremacist or other militant groups, to have engaged in racist behavior, or to have posted overtly racist commentary to on social media to the DOJ and to their departments. Where appropriate based on available evidence, the Justice Department should bar these officials from further participation with federal task forces and report the information to appropriate departmental heads and state and local prosecutors for potential inclusion on Brady lists.

Analyze the data collected by the FBI in its law enforcement use of force database to assist in developing the national strategy. The FBI should evaluate each use of force complaint for indications that racial or ethnic bias motivated the violence. Where evidence reasonably indicates a violation of federal, state, or local laws, cases should be referred for prosecution. Establish a formal mitigation plan to implement when evidence indicates that an identified law enforcement officer poses a public security threat or a risk of harm to any protected class or community.

Such a plan could include federal, state, or local investigations and prosecutions; civil rights lawsuits and consent decrees; reporting information identifying the officer to other federal, state, or local authorities for appropriate employment action; and placement of identified officers on Brady lists maintained by federal, state, and local prosecutors to ensure that defendants in criminal cases and plaintiffs in civil actions against these officers have appropriate impeachment evidence available.

Establish a public hotline for reporting racist activity by law enforcement officials and strengthen whistleblower protections for federal law enforcement agents. October 8, October 7, Ames Grawert, Alexander Horwitz. Kelly Percival, Clara Fong. October 6, October 5, Stay up to date. Write down anything else you thought of while reading the document.

Remember that there is really no wrong way to annotate. The idea is to get all of your thoughts and questions about a document down on paper. Part 2. Write down any immediately apparent biases you see. Biases are prejudices for or against people or things. Every primary source has an element of bias to it. Literally no source ever created has NO bias. If the author is making sweeping generalizations about a group of people, you should note that they appear to have a bias for or against this group. They may be tricky to find at first. Then you should look carefully for other elements of racial bias.

Instead, it means that you will need to think critically about what this source tells you about its creator. Compare the primary source to secondary sources. Think about what you have read textbooks or heard in lectures on topics related to your primary source. Does it support those sources or contradict them? Check your textbook and lecture notes to learn about the healthcare provided to slaves on antebellum plantations.

Does his entry seem accurate? Could he be an exception to the rule, or does he have some reason to write untrue statements? Think about who the author is. Consider their gender, race, class, career, location, etc. Do any of these factors make you feel skeptical about the trustworthiness of the source? For example, a white Southern slaveholder writing about his slaves in was likely writing with some element of racism and racial bias.

As an elite male, he would also have a class and gender bias. Keep these biases in mind as you read. Even if you determine that what the slaveholder says about his slaves is not reliable information, you can still learn about the slaveholder himself based on what he writes. Especially think about their motives and whether that might have influenced what they wrote. Maybe you learned in class that, in the s, diaries had a different purpose than they do today. Rather than a record of private thoughts, they were written for public consumption after the death of the author. With that in mind, you might consider that the slaveholder wanted to paint a rosy picture in his diary. Ask yourself Who created the source and why?

Was it created through a spur-of-the-moment act, a routine transaction, or a thoughtful, deliberate process? Does the creator of the source speak for a larger group of people or just for themself? Did the creator wish to inform or persuade others? Look closely the words in the source. The word choices may tell you whether the creator was trying to be objective or persuasive. Did the creator have reasons to be honest or dishonest? Was the source meant to be public or private? Consider when the source was written. Sometimes, if a primary source was created even a little while after an event occurred, a person looking back on the event will have a different perspective than they would have had they created a source during an event. Part 3.

Analyze the overall reliability. Remember that even if you determine that an author probably had reason to be untruthful, the source may still be useful. For example, though you may not learn true facts about the lives of Southern slaves by reading an diary of a slaveholder, you can learn about racial biases of white slaveholders in Think about how a scholar might use this source. What might a scholar have to be careful about if they were using this source?

Without informing his wife, who was away at work in a nearby town, he traveled with the strangers to downstate New York and Washington, D. Soon after arriving in the capital, he awoke to find himself drugged, bound, and in the cell of a slave pen. When Northup asserted his rights as a free man, he was beaten and warned never again to mention his free life in New York. Transported by ship to New Orleans , Northup and other enslaved black people contracted smallpox and one died. In transit, Northup implored a sympathetic sailor to send a letter to his family. The letter arrived safely, but, lacking knowledge of his final destination, Northup's family was unable to effect his rescue. At times, his carpentry and other skills contributed to his being treated relatively well, but he also suffered extreme cruelty.

On two occasions, he was attacked by John Tibeats, a white man he was leased to, and defended himself, for which he suffered severe reprisals. After about two years of enslavement, Northup was sold to Edwin Epps , a notoriously cruel cotton planter. Epps held Northup enslaved for 10 years, during which time he assigned the New Yorker to various roles from cotton picker, to hauler to driver, which required Northup to oversee the work of fellow slaves and punish them for undesirable behavior.

While on Epps' plantation, Northup became friends with a slave girl named Patsey , whom he writes about briefly in the book. After being beaten for claiming his free status in Washington, D. Finally he confided his story to Samuel Bass , a white carpenter and abolitionist from Canada working at the Epps plantation to build the Edwin Epps House. Bass, at great risk to himself, sent letters to Northup's wife and friends in Saratoga. Parker, a white shopkeeper, received one of the letters and sought assistance from Henry B. Northup, a white attorney and politician whose family had held and freed Solomon Northup's father and with whom Solomon had a longtime friendship.

Henry contacted New York state officials. As the state had passed a law in to provide financial resources for the rescue of citizens kidnapped into slavery, the Governor appointed Henry Northup as an agent to travel to Louisiana and work with law enforcement to free Solomon. Waddill, to assist in securing Solomon Northup's freedom. Northup later filed charges against the men who sold him into slavery but was unsuccessful in his suit. He returned to New York and reunited with his family there. My narrative is at an end. I have no comments to make upon the subject of Slavery.

Those who read this book may form their own opinions of the " peculiar institution. This is no fiction, no exaggeration. If I have failed in anything, it has been in presenting to the reader too prominently the bright side of the picture. I doubt not hundreds have been as unfortunate as myself; that hundreds of free citizens have been kidnapped and sold into slavery, and are at this moment wearing out their lives on plantations in Texas and Louisiana.

But I forbear. Chastened and subdued in spirit by the sufferings I have borne, and thankful to that good Being through whose mercy I have been restored to happiness and liberty, I hope henceforward to lead an upright though lowly life, and rest at last in the church yard where my father sleeps. Questions were often raised about accuracy or authenticity of books about slavery, including slave narratives. Stowe's book was published a year before Northup's memoir but by the time she published her rebuttal to critics about accuracy in her A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin , she referred to his story, which had been publicized in newspaper accounts.

Stowe wrote,. It is a singular coincidence that this man was carried to a plantation in the Red River country, that same region where the scene of Tom's captivity was laid; and his account of this plantation, his mode of life there, and some incidents which he describes, form a striking parallel to that history. Northup's account confirms Stowe's fictional portrayal of conditions in Louisiana, as the area where Northup was enslaved was close to the fictional setting of Simon Legree's plantation on the Red River. Northup expresses other arguments against slavery. For instance, Uncle Tom's Cabin focuses on how the legal system prevents even kind owners from treating slaves well and how it releases cruel owners from liabilities for their treatment of slaves.

Such themes appear in Northup's narrative, too. Writing about this work, Eric Herschtal noted that "Slave narratives were never intended to give an unbiased view. They were antislavery polemics meant to bring down the institution. Herschtal emphasizes that Northup expressed compassion in his account, quoting him: "It is not the fault of the slaveholder that he is cruel," Northup writes, "so much as it is the fault of the system under which he lives. It drew endorsements from major Northern newspapers, anti-slavery organizations, and evangelical groups. It "sold three times as many copies as Frederick Douglass's slave narrative in its first two years. Northup's account describes the daily life of slaves at Bayou Boeuf in Louisiana, their diet and living conditions, the relationship between master and slave, and the means that slave catchers used to recapture runaways.

His account shares some details similar to those of authors who were escaped slaves, such as Frederick Douglass , Harriet Jacobs , and William Wells Brown.

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